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"I wish you wouldn't squeeze so," said the Dormouse, who was sitting next to
her. "I can hardly breathe." "I can't help it," said Alice very meekly. "I'm
growing."
-Alice in Wonderland
It is by now a commonplace to say that the increase
in the membership of the United Nations from sixty to eighty has been a long
step towards universality. Speaking quantitatively, this is a geographical fact.
But it has brought about qualitative changes - or, rather, by enlarging the
mirror has expanded the view of the world and changed our perspective. This has
other significances than a mere increase in size.
Of the three arms of the United Nations, the judicial is the weakest because the
least exercised. In spite of a considerable body of international law available
and in operation, major disputes still tend to be regarded as political
situations amenable to political remedies rather than legal situations which
need to be submitted to judicial scrutiny. Nevertheless, the existence of the
judicial arm is important, as without it the full concept of international
organization based on the ideas of peace, order and justice cannot take shape.
The other two functions, namely, parliamentary - I advisedly do not say
legislative - and executive, are respectively exercised by the General Assembly
and the Secretariat. The Security Council is in the middle; for it was designed
to discharge both functions: to suggest methods for the settlement of disputes
as well as take speedy action required for the implementation of its
(parliamentary) suggestions or decisions. In the structure of the United
Nations, the Security Council was assigned a pivotal position.
But the Security Council failed to live up to its promise. It could hardly have
been otherwise, for it was constructed on two assumptions which only naive
optimism could have upheld and which history has, in any case, falsified:
namely, that after the war the Big Five would continue to be friendly to each
other, and that whatever tensions and upheavals might trouble the world they
would not be the source. In other words, they assumed a kind of apostolic status
whereby they would look after the morals of the world, themselves having
achieved perpetual purity.
Very soon, however, the Big Five ceased to act in unison and became merely
co-belligerents of the past rather than allies in the great human adventures
that lay ahead. Also, it was, alas, found that, whatever the motives for war, no
nation was quite free from them. Indeed, it was not long before the gravest
danger seemed to come, not from the smaller nations, but from a possible
conflict between those that were elevated in the structure of the United Nations
to be custodians and the guarantors of peace. The situation today, therefore, is
that the Security Council can assume a monitory role when smaller nations are
concerned, but built-in provision protects the bigger nations from their own
admonitions. Had this been clearly foreseen by the smaller nations or had the
United Nations Organization been constructed in an epoch of calm rather than in
a period when enthusiasm ran high and trust was deep, it is doubtful whether the
bigger nations of the world would have got away with a privilege which can be
used to save themselves from their own castigation.
If the Security Council fails to act in a major crisis, how can the United
Nations continue to function? The response to this question was passage of the
"Uniting for Peace" Resolution: a constitutional device designed to allow the
responsibilities of the Security Council to pass as far as possible to the
General Assembly in case the Council were paralyzed. Of course, none of the
major Powers foresaw that this instrument would be used in hitherto unsuspected
situations, although almost everybody else did. And so it is that in recent
crises the paralysis of the Security Council has led to the emergency sessions
of the General Assembly in a manner which postwar complacency could hardly have
foreseen.
Thus the General Assembly has acquired great power. But it is not in a position
to use that power to give itself great strength. It can make unprecedented
decisions, momentous and even revolutionary in character, yet its strength is no
greater than it used to be. It. can recommend, request, threaten, but it cannot
order, nor has it a standing police force, nor the prestige to commandeer the
help of the major Powers to provide it with the machinery for action in the
field. At any rate, not yet. Consequently, the more single-minded and determined
the General Assembly, the more it will have to rely on the executive for the
implementation of its decisions and even the finer interpretation of its
intentions.
This has enhanced the role of the Secretariat in an unprecedented manner. Or
perhaps it would be more correct to say that it has highlighted the most dynamic
function of the executive which had rusted unused. For, to say that the
Secretariat has acquired a new role would be to imply that its functions were
ever meticulously defined or fixed and that it has now burst its bounds. The
United Nations is a unique organization in that it came into existence with a
future which could only be dimly described. What form, what function, what shape
its various organs were to acquire was left to history and evolution. The
Secretariat was perhaps conceived, albeit not labelled, primarily as a
"servicing" organization a glorified kind of indentured labour. That conception
still persists here and there. Yet the Secretariat is constitutionally equal in
independence and in stature to every other principal organ of the United Nations
and there is nothing in the Charter to imply that it is to serve as the United
Nations' pantry. True, it must perform some tasks of a purely utilitarian
nature, but those are its minimum not its maximum functions. Recent events have
brought this home to everyone. The office of Secretary-General, when it was
created under the Charter, was like a new body thrown into the universe. Whether
it would be a planet or a star or a meteor, whether it would have an elliptical
or a circular orbit, what its speed would be, whether it would be a satellite or
the centre of a new solar system - was left to time and space. To time and space
and to the person. It is fortunate that the present Secretary-General has the
instincts of a diplomat, a detached view of national involvements, a high sense
of mission and a sensitive touch when dealing with persons and moments. But it
might have been otherwise and somewhere between him and the parliament the
initiative might have been lost.
The Secretariat, having been regarded for ten years or so as a conglomeration of
round-shouldered, self-denying clerks, no doubt found itself faced with tasks
for which its muscles had not been exercised. Having been geared in the past to
mere "servicing" operations, the Secretariat was, as it stood, unprepared for
its new responsibilities, but given the will and drive, it was found to be
capable of quick and efficient improvisations which enabled it to meet all
emergencies in a surprisingly efficient manner.
The present situation, therefore, may be summed up as a vitalization of the
parliament for policy-making in close coordination with the Secretary-General,
frequently under his leadership, and a vitalization of the Secretariat for
action.
It may be expected that during the next phase of the United Nations the'
Secretariat will continue to maintain and probably enhance its stature as an
instrument of the United Nations for combining the three difficult functions
diplomatic, executive and administrative - in descending order of emphasis. It
may also now be taken for granted that the concept of the Secretary-General as
mainly an administrator who should merely keep the "servicing" operations of the
Secretariat in an efficient state has been outdated.
Side by side with this development, anxious thought will probably also continue
to be given to the future of the Security Council and to various methods for
giving it soul and muscle. It is doubtful, however, whether there is much
prospect of success along conservative lines. To make a certain number of major
Powers responsible for the peace of the world, and at the same time place them
in a privileged position in which they themselves are protected from their own
admonitions, seems to be an outmoded idea. Also, with the increase in the
membership of the General Assembly and the shift in centres of world power, the
1945 Security Council, with its big five, the small six and the total eleven,
might well begin to look like a museum piece.
More likely is the development that the General Assembly, for each of its
decisions requiring major action, will create ad hoc supervisory or advisory
bodies working in close cooperation with the Secretary-General. The recent
crises have demonstrated the potentialities of this way of international life.
Of course, age has not withered nor custom stalled the infinite variety of
strain and harmony between any parliament and its executive, and the growth of
the relationship between these two in the United Nations will not be without its
anxieties and excitements. But, although the parliament will continue to be the
constitutional source of policy, it will have to lean heavily on the Secretariat
for exploration, advice and guidance. In other words, apart from anything else,
there will be a greater sharing of policy-making between the parliament and the
executive. Indeed, any executive with vitality and initiative is bound to step
into this role. The Secretariat should not refrain from undertaking the mission
which history seems, growingly, to assign to it, if only because, by virtue of
its position, it is able to deliberate more calmly and at a healthy remove from
day-to-day national conflicts. The world should welcome this shift, for great
changes are afoot. We are on the threshold of a phase in which old contours are
beginning to dissolve and power maps of the first half of this century are
becoming out of date. In such a period of flux, it is useful to have some sort
of lighthouse on some sort of a rock which is reasonably above the storm.
Thus, if one's logic is not too exacting, there are links to be discerned even
between the emergent role of the Secretariat and the increase in membership. The
larger picture of the world as now reflected in the United Nations has yet to
find a frame within which the newly discovered masses and colours should be
meaningful and harmoniously .arranged. At the same time, it could, without
belittling any statesman's stature, be said that world leadership, which should
perform this task, seems for the present to be too widely scattered to be widely
acknowledged as resting in any nation or consortium. It should therefore be
regarded as the happiest of developments that the executive of the United
Nations should take the initiative and should do so not by evolving a new
philosophy but by offering that initiative as a natural part of its dutiful
service and pledge of office.
A closer look at the new world picture would be useful. The increase in
membership is distributed amongst the three older continents as follows: Europe,
10; Asia, 6; Africa, 4; whose previous membership was 16, 15, and 4,
respectively. Looking at these figures alone, one would expect that the United
Nations, which had hitherto been largely Europe-minded and Europe-centred, would
become more so. The actual effect has, however, been in a different direction
altogether, for the expansion seems actually to have led to a weakening of the
European (or, if you like, Western) fibre in the United Nations and has given
almost corresponding strength to the Asian-African strands in it. The reasons
for this are various: the loss of empires and of political power that flowed
from them; the lack of unity in Europe; and the rise of vigorous nationalism in
Asia and Africa. It is true that neither Asia nor the Western countries can be
regarded as a single political entity. But, whereas amongst the Asian and
African nations there is, in spite of the diversity of governments, religions
and races, a remarkable degree of unity on certain global issues, political and
economic, the Western nations, in spite of their common legacies, are split or
are out of step with each other on almost all issues of world importance. The
strong note of nationalism, therefore, heard in the United Nations heralds a new
phase. Nationalism, which led to the independence of many Asian and African
nations, generated for that purpose a momentum which can hardly be halted on the
first day of freedom. Indeed, the tendency is to preserve and develop it further
in order to use it as a reservoir of energy needed for raising the standard of
life of peoples whose very numbers might fill one with despair. There might have
been other ways of creating enthusiasms, and after the experience of Europe the
emergent nations of the East might have found a short cut to internationalism.
This might still happen if ways could be found to dispel suspicions and if
liberalism chose to regard unilateral internationalism as the supreme test of
its vitality. But one must record facts as they are.
One must be content to observe, therefore, that the geopolitical centres of the
world, which were so strongly associated with Western nations, have begun to
shift. Where they will finally rest it is difficult to say, for that would
depend on a number of factors - on Soviet-American relations, the final balance
in the Middle East, the relations between India, China and Japan, the future of
the "white" races in Africa - about which one could only speculate. And, as the
United Nations expands further, it will, within its walls, register more and
more accurately the political health of the world which to a student of
international affairs of an earlier era would not have been visible at all. What
it does register at the moment is a great deal of new blood, a restless search
for new arteries and - if one may say so - a longing for new hearts.
Liberal political thought has been Europe's greatest gift to the new nations,
most of whom have adopted liberal democratic governments, in the Western sense
of the term, as their ultimate goal. Nevertheless, the major leaders of public
opinion in Asia and Africa can hardly be regarded as unreservedly pro-Western.
In fact, the expanded perspective that is now vouchsafed to us seems to
underline more heavily the differences. Indeed, the gap seems to be increasing.
Below every political tussle there seems to be a lurking sense of geography or
colour or race adding to the temperature of the conflict. Such collisions can
mean nothing but loss to the world heritage. In order to forge a new synthesis -
something that emergent peoples have been attempting on their own for many
decades the United Nations can and must provide the great alchemy. This requires
a still further enlargement of our concept of the world organization; regarding
it, to put it in other words, not merely as a step forward in our political
thinking but as a step forward in the great human adventure of which politics,
even international politics, is but a part. It is by no means rare to find
people in the United Nations who carry this concept with them and evaluate their
own labours and the achievement of others by this touchstone. It is fortunate
that the most responsible international civil servants of the world should also
have this vision which, though not written into the Charter as such, alone makes
the Charter a coherent and sacred covenant.
First published in Foreign Affairs, April 1957, pp. 405-411. Reprinted by
special permission from FOREIGN AFFAIRS, April 1957. |
